FSB errors performed essential position in Russia’s failed battle plans in Ukraine

KYIV, Ukraine — Within the closing days earlier than the invasion of Ukraine, Russia’s safety service started sending cryptic directions to informants in Kyiv. Pack up and get out of the capital, the Kremlin collaborators have been instructed, however go away behind the keys to your properties.

The instructions got here from senior officers in a unit of Russia’s Federal Safety Service (FSB) with a prosaic identify — the Division of Operational Data — however an ominous project: make sure the decapitation of the Ukrainian authorities and oversee the set up of a pro-Russian regime.

The messages have been a measure of the arrogance in that audacious plan. So sure have been FSB operatives that they’d quickly management the levers of energy in Kyiv, in accordance with Ukrainian and Western safety officers, that they spent the waning days earlier than the battle arranging secure homes or lodging in informants’ flats and different places for the deliberate inflow of personnel.

“Have a successful trip!” one FSB officer instructed one other who was being despatched to supervise the anticipated occupation, in accordance with intercepted communications. There isn’t a indication that the recipient ever made it to the capital, because the FSB’s plans collapsed amid the retreat of Russian forces within the early months of the battle.

The communications exposing these preparations are half of a bigger trove of delicate supplies obtained by Ukrainian and different safety companies and reviewed by The Washington Publish. They provide uncommon perception into the actions of the FSB — a sprawling service that bears huge duty for the failed Russian battle plan and the hubris that propelled it.

An company whose area contains inside safety in Russia in addition to espionage within the former Soviet states, the FSB has spent a long time spying on Ukraine, trying to co-opt its establishments, paying off officers and dealing to impede any perceived drift towards the West. No side of the FSB’s intelligence mission outdoors Russia was extra essential than burrowing into all ranges of Ukrainian society.

And but, the company didn’t incapacitate Ukraine’s authorities, foment any semblance of a pro-Russian groundswell or interrupt President Volodymyr Zelensky’s maintain on energy. Its analysts both didn’t fathom how forcefully Ukraine would reply, Ukrainian and Western officers mentioned, or did perceive however couldn’t or wouldn’t convey such sober assessments to Russian President Vladimir Putin.

[Hubris and isolation led Vladimir Putin to misjudge Ukraine]

The humiliations of Russia’s navy have largely overshadowed the failures of the FSB and different intelligence businesses. However in some methods, these have been much more incomprehensible and consequential, officers mentioned, underpinning practically each Kremlin battle choice.

“The Russians were wrong by a mile,” mentioned a senior U.S. official with common entry to categorised intelligence on Russia and its safety companies. “They set up an entire war effort to seize strategic objectives that were beyond their means,” the official mentioned. “Russia’s mistake was really fundamental and strategic.”

Ukraine’s safety companies have an curiosity in discrediting Russia’s spy businesses, however key particulars from the trove have been corroborated by officers in Western governments.

The recordsdata present that the FSB unit accountable for Ukraine surged in dimension within the months main as much as the battle and was relying on assist from an unlimited community of paid brokers in Ukraine’s safety equipment. Some complied and sabotaged Ukraine’s defenses, officers mentioned, whereas others seem to have pocketed their FSB funds however balked at doing the Kremlin’s bidding when the preventing began.

There are data that add to the thriller of Russian miscalculations. Intensive polls carried out for the FSB present that giant segments of Ukraine’s inhabitants have been ready to withstand Russian encroachment, and that any expectation that Russian forces can be greeted as liberators was unfounded. Even so, officers mentioned, the FSB continued to feed the Kremlin rosy assessments that Ukraine’s lots would welcome the arrival of Russia’s navy and the restoration of Moscow-friendly rule.

“There was plenty of wishful thinking in the GRU and the military, but it started with the FSB,” mentioned a senior Western safety official, utilizing the GRU abbreviation for Russia’s principal navy intelligence company. “The sense that there would be flowers strewn in their path — that was an FSB exercise.” He and different safety officers in Ukraine, the USA and Europe spoke on the situation of anonymity to debate delicate intelligence.

Adhering to those faulty assumptions, officers mentioned, the FSB championed a battle plan premised on the concept a lightning assault on Kyiv would topple the federal government in a matter of days. Zelensky can be lifeless, captured or in exile, making a political vacuum for FSB brokers to fill.

As a substitute, FSB operatives who at one level had reached the outskirts of Kyiv needed to retreat alongside Russian forces, Ukrainian safety officers mentioned. Fairly than presiding over the formation of a brand new authorities in Kyiv, officers mentioned, the FSB now faces tough questions in Moscow about what its lengthy historical past of operations in opposition to Ukraine — and the big sums that financed them — completed.

The FSB didn’t reply to requests for remark.

The FSB’s plans and the efforts of Ukraine’s safety businesses to thwart them — with backing from the CIA, Britain’s MI6 and different Western intelligence companies — are a part of a shadow battle that has performed out in parallel to Russia’s navy marketing campaign. It’s a battle that was underway lengthy earlier than the Feb. 24 invasion, and its battle strains are blurred by the tangled, overlapping histories of Russian companies and Ukrainian counterparts that started as offspring of the Soviet-era KGB.

Six months into the battle, neither aspect seems to have a transparent higher hand.

Ukraine’s safety businesses have scored notable victories. Early on, a Ukrainian nongovernmental group revealed what it described as a roster of FSB operatives linked to the battle effort, posting the identities and passport numbers of dozens of alleged spies in a transfer meant to disrupt the company’s plans and rattle its personnel. An individual related to the NGO, which is named Myrotvorets, or Peacemaker, mentioned the information was obtained by Ukraine’s safety companies. The individual spoke on the situation of anonymity, citing threats to his safety.

On the similar time, Ukraine’s principal inside safety service, the SBU, has struggled to rid its ranks of Russian moles and saboteurs. A number of senior officers have been arrested and branded traitors by Zelensky, who took the extraordinary step in July of eradicating SBU Director Ivan Bakanov — a childhood good friend — from his put up.

Putin isn’t believed to have taken comparable motion in opposition to any of his spy chiefs, regardless of the dimensions of their misjudgments.

“If your security services put such a high priority on understanding Ukraine, and your military plan is based on that understanding, how could they have gotten it so wrong?” mentioned William B. Taylor Jr., who twice served as U.S. ambassador to Ukraine, together with in an performing capability in 2019. “How could they have assumed the Ukrainians wouldn’t fight, that President Zelensky would not resist so valiantly? The disconnect has to be somewhere between the FSB and the very top.”


Amongst these planning to reach in Kyiv in late February was Igor Kovalenko, recognized by Ukraine as a senior FSB officer who had for years been a principal handler of a number of the most distinguished Ukrainian politicians and authorities officers secretly on the Kremlin’s payroll, together with members of the opposition get together co-chaired by Viktor Medvedchuk, a detailed good friend of Putin.

An change Kovalenko had with an FSB subordinate on Feb. 18 means that he had his eye on an condominium in Kyiv’s leafy Obolon neighborhood, overlooking the Dnieper River.

Intercepted communications present that Kovalenko requested for the deal with of the condominium and call particulars for an FSB informant who occupied it. Ukrainian authorities mentioned the resident was subsequently detained and questioned.

Kovalenko’s subordinate despatched again the deal with, telephone numbers and code phrases used to speak with the informant, who served in Zelensky’s authorities, Ukrainian officers mentioned.

The officers declined to determine the informant however mentioned he admitted that he had obtained FSB directions days earlier than the invasion to pack his belongings, go away his keys and get out of the capital to make sure his private safety in the course of the battle’s preliminary part.

Different informants detained by Ukrainian authorities have supplied comparable accounts, one of many officers mentioned. “They had been told, ‘When you return, it will all be different.’ ”

Particulars revealed by Peacemaker and confirmed by Ukrainian safety officers describe Kovalenko as a 47-year-old veteran of the spy service who in recent times was accountable for managing the company’s clandestine ties to Ukraine’s parliament and principal pro-Russian get together.

Kovalenko didn’t reply to requests for remark.

Ukrainian authorities consider that Kovalenko might have been simply miles from the capital in March, accompanying Russian forces then outdoors town. However the FSB staff assigned to arrange operations in Kyiv needed to abandon that plan when Russia’s forces started their retreat, officers mentioned.

The Obolon condominium was positioned underneath surveillance by the SBU after the deal with surfaced in communications intercepts, officers mentioned. Neither Kovalenko nor every other FSB officer ever turned as much as declare the keys.


Kovalenko is a senior officer in an FSB unit — the Ninth Directorate of the Division of Operational Data — whose principal objective has for years been to make sure Ukraine’s servility to Moscow.

The division is overseen by a senior FSB officer, Sergey Beseda, who began his profession with the KGB within the late Nineteen Seventies, in accordance with Ukrainian officers, and was assigned to abroad posts together with Cuba earlier than returning to Moscow to move operations in Ukraine, Georgia and different former Soviet republics.

After protests erupted in Kyiv in late 2013 in opposition to the pro-Russian authorities of Viktor Yanukovych, Beseda turned up within the Ukrainian capital urging Yanukovych to make use of lethal drive to place down an rebellion that may come to be generally known as the Maidan Revolution, Ukrainian officers mentioned.

When the protesters prevailed, Yanukovych fled to Russia with a bunch of senior advisers suspected of working with Beseda’s department within the years that adopted to convey a pro-Russian authorities again to energy.

That mission appeared to tackle new urgency within the two years main as much as the February invasion.

In 2019, the FSB started a significant growth of its Ukraine unit, a bunch that grew from 30 officers to as many as 160 final summer season, in accordance with Ukrainian officers who cited intercepted communications and different intelligence.

To entice recruits from different branches, the FSB provided bonuses and free housing in buildings adjoining to the FSB coaching academy on Michurinsky Prospekt in Moscow, officers mentioned. Arriving officers have been assigned territories in Ukraine and tasked with growing lists of collaborators to work with, in addition to adversaries to neutralize.

[In Ukrainian villages, whispers of collaboration with the Russians]

At first, the surge was seen as one other enterprise geared toward “returning Russian influence in Ukraine,” mentioned a safety official in Kyiv concerned in monitoring FSB operations. However looking back, it might have been an early sign that Russia was shifting focus, the official mentioned, from shaping occasions in Ukraine to plotting “its seizure.”

As Russia’s navy mobilization accelerated final yr, Ukraine’s safety companies have been inundated with extra intelligence from Western spy companies, officers mentioned.

On Jan. 12, CIA Director William J. Burns arrived in Kyiv with an in depth file on Russia’s plans and a staff of accompanying U.S. officers who sought to persuade Zelensky and his inside circle that battle was imminent.

But when the CIA staff departed, Ukraine’s spy chiefs gathered with Zelensky to ship a follow-on briefing that was much more equivocal.

“We relayed all the information that the Americans had shared without any changes,” mentioned a participant. However on the similar time, the official mentioned, “our information said that the Russians are not planning war” on such a big scale, and that judgment was given equal weight alongside the CIA warnings.

The ultimate weeks earlier than the invasion have been punctuated by a flurry of contradictory intelligence experiences and complicated alerts from European officers.

Ten days after Burns’s go to, the British authorities declared that it had “information that indicates the Russian government is looking to install a pro-Russian leader in Kyiv as it considers whether to invade and occupy Ukraine.”

The British file recognized a pro-Russian former member of Ukraine’s parliament, Yevhen Murayev, “as a potential candidate,” a declare that Murayev dismissed as “ridiculous and funny” in a response to the Related Press. The British assertion additionally listed former members of Yanukovych’s cupboard, alleging that they’d hyperlinks to Russian intelligence and that officers they have been in touch with have been “involved in the planning for an attack on Ukraine.”

About the identical time, Ukraine’s safety businesses picked up indications that FSB operatives have been in direct communication with Russia’s airborne forces, officers mentioned. Such direct interplay between the FSB and navy items was so uncommon, officers mentioned, that it was considered a worrisome signal of joint operational planning.

[The man who has Putin’s ear — and may want his job]

That concern appears to have been well-placed. Russia’s airborne forces performed a pivotal position within the seize of an airport in Hostomel, on the outskirts of Kyiv, within the early hours of the invasion. It was a key node for the anticipated assault on the capital, and FSB officers have been noticed there earlier than Russian forces have been pushed from the airstrip, officers mentioned.

Different late-arriving intelligence, nonetheless, appeared to solid doubt on the concept Russia was even ready for, not to mention planning, full-scale fight.

In mid-February, Ukraine’s overseas intelligence service, the SZR, despatched brokers into Russia to hold out surveillance operations on navy items. One staff encountered a Potemkin village of Russian {hardware}, officers mentioned, with dozens of parked tanks accompanied by a small safety element. No tank operators or upkeep crews have been wherever within the neighborhood.

Elsewhere, Ukraine’s spies came across a scene of disciplinary mayhem: strains of stranded Russian autos accompanied by troops who had bartered gasoline and different provides for alcohol. “A lot of them were drunk,” mentioned a Ukrainian official who reviewed experiences on what Ukraine’s spies had witnessed.

The scenes fed doubts amongst safety advisers to Zelensky, a few of whom have been understandably disinclined to consider that their nation’s days is likely to be numbered. Even now, months later, many proceed to precise disbelief that Russia pressed forward so poorly ready.

European officers additionally remained skeptical. In Kyiv on Feb. 8, French President Emmanuel Macron mentioned he had obtained a private assurance from Putin that Russia wouldn’t escalate the scenario. Germany’s spy chief, Bruno Kahl, had mentioned days earlier that Putin’s choice on whether or not to assault had “not yet been made.” (Kahl was in Kyiv on the day the invasion started and needed to be evacuated by automobile to Poland.)

In the long run, many Ukrainian safety officers believed that Russia’s navy buildup was largely a psychological ploy, however that Moscow would possibly use missile strikes and incursions by airborne items and elite Spetsnaz troops to topple a authorities it noticed as teetering. On the time, Zelensky’s approval scores had plummeted to round 26 % as Ukraine confronted an vitality disaster and strain on its foreign money that officers attributed to Russian sabotage.

“We didn’t envision … some classic invasion in Second World War style with tanks, artillery and infantry,” a senior Ukrainian safety official mentioned. Ukraine was unsuitable about Russia’s intentions, he mentioned, however even Moscow might not have envisioned a significant land battle.

“They expected somebody to open the gate,” the official mentioned. “They didn’t expect any resistance.”

In an interview this month with The Publish, Zelensky mentioned that nicely earlier than the invasion, Russia had been waging “a hybrid war against our state. There was an energy blow, there was a political blow.”

“They wanted a change of power from inside the country,” he mentioned. “I had the feeling that [the Russians] wanted to prepare us for a soft surrender.”


Ukraine’s SBU — like its Russian counterpart — is a direct descendant of the KGB. It occupies the previous KGB headquarters in Kyiv, is organized across the similar bureaucratic construction as its Soviet predecessor, and employs an undisclosed variety of officers who skilled on the KGB academy in Moscow or its FSB successor after the Soviet breakup.

The businesses’ entangled histories convey a hall-of-mirrors side to the battle.

Present and former Ukrainian safety officers mentioned concern concerning the loyalties of even senior personnel is a supply of fixed anxiousness. One official mentioned he reached for his telephone on the battle’s second day to start calling subordinates to relay orders. However he hesitated as he dialed, he mentioned, apprehensive that his calls would go unanswered or reveal that senior lieutenants had thrown their assist to the Russians.

He was surprised, he mentioned, when these he known as not solely answered however adopted orders with a precision and dedication that have been uncommon earlier than the battle.

“It’s a paradox of the Ukrainian state,” the official mentioned. “It was believed, including by Ukrainians themselves, that there was a high level of corruption, inefficiency and infiltration of Russian agents in the Ukrainian government structures.” However after Feb. 24, he mentioned, “they not only worked but also worked more efficiently than ever.”

He and others attributed a lot of that resilience to the instance Zelensky set together with his choice to stay within the capital. His capacity to take action was due partially to the existence of a large bunker complicated underneath Kyiv’s authorities quarter that was designed by Soviet engineers and constructed to outlive nuclear battle.

A senior adviser described being taken to satisfy Zelensky within the first weeks of the battle and descending right into a disorienting warren of tunnels and command posts. “I still can’t say to you where [Zelensky’s base of operations] is exactly,” he mentioned, as a result of the complicated is such a labyrinth.

Ukraine has made repeated makes an attempt to cleanse its ranks of Russian belongings, at one level even enlisting a CIA officer to function an inside adviser on rooting out FSB penetrations, in accordance with former U.S. officers. However with an estimated 27,000 workers — making the SBU at the very least 5 occasions as giant as MI5, its British equal — the company has struggled to surmount the issue.

“Is there treachery? What can I say?” Zelensky mentioned. “With all my love for Ukraine, we are not without sin.” The variety of those that are usually not loyal to their nation “has fallen over the years,” he mentioned. Nonetheless, when the battle began, “there were people who were working for Russians for money, and some who from the inside always hated Ukraine and were waiting for the Soviet Union to return.”

A number of senior SBU officers have been charged with treason. Amongst them is the previous head of the company’s directorate in Kherson, in southern Ukraine, who was accused of ordering subordinates to desert their posts as Russian forces flooded the area.

[In Kherson, misery under Russian occupation, hope over Ukrainian gains]

Final month, Ukrainian authorities arrested one other SBU officer, Oleg Kulinich, who had been put in within the service’s higher ranks by Bakanov, the SBU director and childhood good friend of Zelensky. The allegations in opposition to Kulinich underscore the pervasiveness of Russian penetrations. Prices filed by Ukrainian authorities describe him as a part of a cell of sleeper brokers operated by Vladimir Sivkovich, a former deputy head of Ukraine’s safety council who was positioned underneath sanction by the U.S. Treasury Division in January for working “with a network of Russian intelligence actors to carry out influence operations.”

Two years earlier than the battle, Sivkovich “set a task for Kulinich” to start stealing secret inside SBU recordsdata that may be “of operational interest” to the “special services of the Russian Federation,” in accordance with the charging doc.

Collectively, in accordance with the doc, they conspired to assist promote one other alleged Russian spy to take management of the SBU’s counterintelligence division. That determine, Andriy Naumov, was arrested in Serbia in June carrying money and gems value greater than $700,000, in accordance with info launched by Serbian authorities.

On the evening earlier than Russia’s invasion, Kulinich “deliberately” blocked the dissemination of intelligence warning that Russian forces in Crimea have been hours from launching an assault, in accordance with the Ukrainian indictment.

Zelensky’s choice to oust Bakanov as SBU director after Kulinich’s arrest was pushed by exasperation together with his failure to “cleanse” the company of Russia sympathizers, mentioned Andriy Smirnov, deputy head of Ukraine’s presidential workplace. “Six months into the war,” he mentioned, “we continue to uncover loads of these people.”

Bakanov didn’t reply to requests for remark. Kulinich, Sivkovich and Naumov couldn’t be reached for remark, and none seems to have made any public assertion concerning the allegations in opposition to them.

Total, Ukraine has detained greater than 800 individuals suspected of aiding Russia by means of reconnaissance or sabotage, in accordance with Ukraine’s Inside Ministry. Authorities have additionally moved in opposition to suspected “agents of influence” in authorities, parliament and politics.

Chief amongst them is Medvedchuk, the opposition get together chairman who has such shut ties to Putin that the Russian chief is the godfather of his youngest daughter. Ukrainian officers described Medvedchuk, 68, as a savvy political operator who harbored ambitions of excessive workplace himself and doubtless would have served as puppet-master to any regime put in by the Kremlin.

Zelensky’s authorities had charged Medvedchuk with treason in Could 2021 and positioned him underneath home arrest. Medvedchuk denied any wrongdoing and mentioned he would combat to clear his identify. He then escaped in the course of the early days of the battle, however was recaptured in April and now awaits trial. Medvedchuk’s lawyer, Tetyana Zhukovska, declined to remark this month, saying she couldn’t achieve this till a Ukrainian court docket dominated within the treason case in opposition to her consumer.

[In the Ukraine war, a battle for the nation’s mineral and energy wealth]

“When they began on Feb. 24, the task was to take Kyiv,” mentioned a Ukrainian safety official. “They expected it would lead to a domino effect” that may ripple throughout the nation. “They would take first central power and then they would have strengthened presence in regions.”

As a part of that plan, Ukrainian officers mentioned, the FSB had lined up at the very least two pro-Russian governments-in-waiting — not only one because the British authorities had warned. Ukraine officers mentioned it was unclear why Russia had mobilized two teams, although some speculated that Putin might have merely needed choices.

One, positioned in Belarus, centered on Yanukovych. On March 7, a aircraft that belonged to the previous Ukrainian president landed in Minsk, its arrival handled as a sign that Russia would possibly search to reinstate a politician Kremlin officers nonetheless referred to after his 2014 ouster because the nation’s “legitimate” chief.

Yanukovych then issued an open letter to Zelensky, broadcast by a Russian state information company, by which he instructed the Ukrainian president it was his obligation to “stop the bloodshed and reach a peace deal at any price.” Over the next week, Yanukovych’s safety chief spoke 3 times with a senior officer from the FSB’s Ukraine unit, in accordance with knowledge intercepted by Ukrainian intelligence.

Yanukovych didn’t reply to requests for remark. His former prime minister, Nikolai Azarov, mentioned in a phone interview with The Publish that any suggestion that Moscow was searching for to engineer Yanukovych’s return to energy was “total nonsense.”

A second group, which included former members of the Yanukovych authorities, gathered in southeastern Ukraine as territory there fell to Russian forces. Amongst them was Oleg Tsaryov, a former main member of Yanukovych’s Occasion of Areas, who declared his presence in Ukraine on a put up to the Telegram messaging app, saying that “Kyiv will be free from fascists.”

In a phone interview with The Publish final month, Tsaryov mentioned he had even moved into areas round Kyiv in the course of the preliminary weeks of the battle, touring with “friends” he declined to determine. He wouldn’t reply questions on whether or not he was a part of any plot to grab energy, saying solely that when he was outdoors Kyiv, “I didn’t have any agreements with anyone about a new government.”


Practically each intelligence service with a stake within the battle made consequential misjudgments.

U.S. spy businesses have been prescient on Putin’s intentions however underestimated Ukraine’s capacity to resist the onslaught — an error that contributed to the USA’ preliminary hesitation to ship heavy and complex weapons.

Ukraine’s companies seem to have learn an excessive amount of into indicators that Russian forces have been ill-prepared for full-scale fight, resisting Western warnings of an invasion that got here inside miles of the capital.

Russia’s intelligence breakdowns in Ukraine appear extra systemic, its work marred by unreliable sources, disincentives to ship onerous truths to the Kremlin, and an endemic bias that matched Putin’s contemptuous perspective towards the nation.

The FSB fueled this dynamic, officers mentioned, with assessments packaged to please the Kremlin and with sources who had their very own causes — political and monetary — for encouraging a Russian takedown of the Kyiv authorities.

Confidential experiences by a assume tank with shut ties to the FSB, the Moscow-based Institute of CIS International locations, prodded Moscow to reassert management over its neighbor. An early 2021 report obtained by The Publish mentioned that doing so was the one technique to “rid Russia of the eternal threat … posed by the puppet state ready to carry out any order of the enemy forces of the West.”

The director of the institute, Konstantin Zatulin, insisted in a phone interview that he had opposed using navy drive in opposition to Ukraine, and blamed the Kremlin’s “inflated expectations” about what the invasion might accomplish on exaggerations by Kremlin allies within the nation.

Foremost amongst them was Medvedchuk, who had served as presidential chief of employees within the early 2000s earlier than amassing a enterprise fortune and changing into co-leader of Ukraine’s principal pro-Russian get together.

Not like different Ukrainian figures, Medvedchuk was in direct contact with Putin, in accordance with officers who cited monitored communications. His was probably the most distinguished voice in a refrain of Kremlin allies assuring Moscow that Zelensky was weak, that his authorities would collapse and that Russian forces can be welcomed by the Ukrainian individuals, officers mentioned.

In recent times, Medvedchuk appeared to make use of his enterprise empire to put the groundwork for a Russian transfer in opposition to Kyiv. His TV stations routinely bashed Zelensky and aired pro-Russian propaganda, together with discredited claims that the USA had biolabs within the nation to assist Ukraine develop organic weapons. His corporations, which included a stake in an oil refinery in southern Russia, served as a conduit for cash that flowed to pro-Russian forces and backed plots to destabilize the Kyiv authorities, officers mentioned.

As his actions turned extra brazen, the USA and Ukraine moved in opposition to his community.

The U.S. Treasury Division, which had beforehand positioned Medvedchuk underneath sanction, went after key get together lieutenants in January, accusing them of collaborating with Russian intelligence on efforts to “take over the Ukrainian government and control Ukraine’s critical infrastructure with an occupying force.”

A kind of sanctioned associates, Oleh Voloshyn, denied that he or Medvedchuk had any particular prior data of Russia’s invasion plan or that they have been searching for to overthrow the Zelensky authorities. In a phone interview with The Publish final month, Voloshyn blamed the battle on Zelensky, saying the repression of Medvedchuk and his supporters pressured Moscow to defend its allies.

“The choice was always becoming neutral voluntarily, or made neutral through force,” he mentioned. “I don’t say this is good or bad. It’s just the reality.”

Virtually instantly, the battle didn’t reside as much as Medvedchuk’s forecasts. And it was his political community, slightly than Zelensky’s, that finally folded, with as many as a dozen senior get together officers leaving the nation.

Moscow’s subsequent spurning of Medvedchuk has been one of many few seen indicators of Putin’s pique.

After Medvedchuk was recaptured in mid-April, Ukrainian authorities proposed sending him to Moscow as a part of a prisoner swap. However officers mentioned the Kremlin has proven little interest in any deal that may free the oligarch.

Typically pictured earlier than the battle sporting immaculately tailor-made fits in conferences with the Russian chief, current pictures launched by Ukraine present Medvedchuk in jail fatigues and handcuffs.

To the Kremlin, “he is a traitor because he took all the money and delivered no results,” mentioned Kostyantyn Batozsky, who was an adviser to a Donetsk governor earlier than the area was taken over by pro-Russian separatists.

Medvedchuk “is a played card; they will never use him again,” Batozsky mentioned. “He doesn’t want to go to Russia now because he will be asked the most unpleasant question in the world: What about the money? Where did it go?”


One of many extra puzzling elements of Russia’s miscalculation is that the FSB had obtained info suggesting that battle with Ukraine wouldn’t be a walkover.

Latest polls carried out by a corporation with shut ties to the FSB confirmed that Putin was deeply unpopular in Ukraine and that the concept Russian forces can be welcomed was fiction, in accordance with copies obtained by Ukrainian intelligence.

An April 2021 ballot by the agency Analysis & Branding discovered that 84 % of Ukrainians would regard any additional encroachment by Russian forces as an “occupation,” with simply 2 % seeing such a situation as a “liberation.”

A second ballot, carried out in late January simply weeks earlier than the battle, queried Ukrainians about invasion situations in extraordinary element, in accordance with a 26-page doc reviewed by The Publish. It was commissioned by and offered to Sivkovich, the previous Yanukovich aide who’s accused of operating sleeper brokers, Ukrainian officers mentioned.

Was a “great war” between the international locations attainable? the ballot requested. Had been individuals “feeling concerned for themselves and their loved ones” concerning the buildup of Russian forces? Was Ukraine’s military able to warding off an invasion?

Essentially the most salient query seems towards the tip of the ballot: “Are you ready to defend Ukraine in the event of such a necessity?” Total, 48 % answered within the affirmative.

Ukrainian officers mentioned the quantity ought to have been interpreted as an indication of resolve, exhibiting that hundreds of thousands of residents have been able to take up arms in opposition to Russia. The FSB, nonetheless, might have drawn a unique conclusion from the identical knowledge, believing that solely a minority of Ukrainians have been dedicated to defending their nation.

It’s unclear whether or not the outcomes of those surveys have been precisely relayed to the Kremlin.

When contacted by phone, Eduard Zolotukhin, Analysis & Branding’s director, requested The Publish to ship written questions, however then didn’t reply.


The fallout for the FSB has been tough to determine amid the data blackout imposed on Russian media by Putin.

Early experiences that Beseda, accountable for the FSB’s Ukraine directorate, had been demoted and even imprisoned are seen skeptically by U.S. and different intelligence officers, who say they’ve seen no info to recommend that any of Russia’s spy chiefs has confronted such penalties.

“We have pretty good reason to believe that he’s still in the job,” a senior U.S. official mentioned of Beseda. Nor, the official mentioned, is there any indication that FSB chief Alexander Bortnikov has been held to account for his company’s failures. A senior Russian politician with shut hyperlinks to the Kremlin and to the FSB additionally mentioned in an interview that Beseda was persevering with to hold out his duties.

[The West has imposed a barrage of sanctions on top Russian figures. See how they’re connected to Putin.]

Different experiences indicated that Putin had sidelined the FSB due to its failures and given better duty for Ukraine to the military-linked GRU. Ukrainian officers say in any other case.

“I don’t share this view,” one official mentioned. The FSB “didn’t manage the task they were given. But they are continuing to work. Not with the same enthusiasm. But they continue.”

Ukrainian officers cited current intelligence indicating that the FSB — just like the Russian navy — has regrouped, turning its focus to territories within the south and east which have been obliterated by Russian artillery.

“We can see it playing out now in Mariupol, Melitopol, Kherson” and different cities which have fallen to Russian forces, a Ukrainian intelligence official mentioned. FSB officers swoop in to implement a model of the blueprint the company initially had for Kyiv.

“The aim is political control, economic control, control over criminal groups — all spheres of activity on seized territory,” the intelligence official mentioned. “The final aim is to install a pro-Russian power.”

Kherson, the primary main metropolis to fall to the Russian military, now presents a chilling glimpse into what life might need been like if Russia had taken Ukraine’s capital.

Town’s mayor, Ihor Kolykhaiev, was arrested in June after repeatedly refusing to cooperate with the Russian occupiers, and his whereabouts are unknown, an aide to the mayor mentioned. He has been changed by Oleksandr Kobets, a former KGB officer who had additionally as soon as labored for the SBU.

The previous mayor’s aide, Galina Lyashevskaya, mentioned that at the very least 300 residents have been unaccounted for when Kolykhaiev was ousted from his place in April. Newer estimates are at the very least double that.

Many extra have been arrested, she mentioned, and about half town’s inhabitants of 300,000 has fled. In a current report, Human Rights Watch documented dozens of instances of torture amongst Kherson’s residents.

“The FSB does not have any uniform, so you never know who is standing next to you,” Lyashevskaya mentioned. “It is paradise for the FSB here. … They can force anyone to do what they want.”

Ukrainian officers mentioned the FSB is concerned in planning a referendum that would offer a pretext for incorporating town and surrounding area into Russia. However Ukraine has begun staging forces for a significant counteroffensive to retake Kherson.


With no finish to the battle in sight, FSB officers have begun working on three-month rotations, in accordance with Ukrainian safety officers.

Kovalenko, the FSB operative who had inquired a couple of riverside condominium in Kyiv, retreated to Russia with a damaged finger and obvious unease about Ukrainian penetrations of his directorate, in accordance with Ukrainian safety officers. In communications with kinfolk that have been monitored by Ukrainian intelligence, he spoke about altering telephones, switching addresses in Moscow and even promoting household autos. Then, in late Could, he revealed that he was being despatched again to Ukraine for one more project.

One relative responded to the information with a Russian expletive.

Ukrainian officers mentioned they haven’t been in a position to decide Kovalenko’s present whereabouts.

Shane Harris, Karen DeYoung and Souad Mekhennet in Washington and Isabelle Khurshudyan and David L. Stern in Kyiv contributed to this report.

About this story

Modifying by Peter Finn. Copy modifying by Martha Murdock and Tom Justice. Photograph modifying by Chloe Coleman. Design and improvement by Garland Potts and Emily Sabens. Design modifying by Joe Moore. Venture administration by Jay Wang.